SOLIDARITY WITH THE LONMIN 
PLATINUM MINEWORKERS 

leaflet by by CPSA/ML, 20 August 2012


The communist Party of South Africa (Marxist – Leninist) wishes to express its disgust at the massacre and wanton killing of the striking mine workers who were mowed down by the heavy machine guns of the neo-colonial government police.  This happened without provocation at all.  The response of the government officials is typical of all governments whose regimes are at the service of monopoly capital and imperialism.  Those who proclaim to be leaders of workers were the first to beg the police to arrest the striking workers calling them criminals.  In the whole history of struggles it is a known fact that police have never solved the problems of the masses but instead exacerbate the situation whenever it intervenes.  The end result of police intervention is the massacre and maiming of the striking mineworkers.Now is the time for the workers and the entire working class to work hand in hand together and also identify who is on their side and who is prepared to struggle together with them.  Like the old apartheid regime the present neo-apartheid government does not care about the lives and livelihood of the workers.  Every right thinking person knows that the workers in Marikana Lonmin Platinum Mine have been betrayed and that no amount of lies will change that.  In the final analysis the system of capitalism must be overthrown and be replaced by a new social order of socialism.  This is the only tribute that will make the bones of these martyrs of workers to rest in peace in their graves.  We bow our heads uncovered and swear that their death shall not be vain.  We fully support the genuine demands of the workers for which they laid down their lives and we call on all mine workers and all workers in all industries to rally together and stand in solidarity with the striking workers guided by the motto: “an injury to one is an injury to all”.  Let the people stand in support of the striking mine workers because their demands are genuine.  To the families of the militant workers we express our sincere and heartfelt condolences.  The struggle continues!
Please send solidarity messages to: 
Communist Party of South.Africa (Marxist-Leninist) CPSA(ML), cpsaml@pnetmail.co.za
ICOR, coordinationint@yahoo.co.uk 
Please send letters of protest to:
Lonmin Plc, 4 Grosvenor Place, London SW1X 7YL, Fax: +44 (0)20-72016100, contact@lonmin.com 
President of South Africa, Jacob Zuma: Fax: +44 (0)27123238246, macmaharaj@mweb.co.za

SOLIDARITY WITH THE LONMIN

PLATINUM MINEWORKERS


leaflet by by CPSA/ML, 20 August 2012

The communist Party of South Africa (Marxist – Leninist) wishes to express its disgust at the massacre and wanton killing of the striking mine workers who were mowed down by the heavy machine guns of the neo-colonial government police.  This happened without provocation at all.  The response of the government officials is typical of all governments whose regimes are at the service of monopoly capital and imperialism.  Those who proclaim to be leaders of workers were the first to beg the police to arrest the striking workers calling them criminals.  In the whole history of struggles it is a known fact that police have never solved the problems of the masses but instead exacerbate the situation whenever it intervenes.  The end result of police intervention is the massacre and maiming of the striking mineworkers.
Now is the time for the workers and the entire working class to work hand in hand together and also identify who is on their side and who is prepared to struggle together with them.  Like the old apartheid regime the present neo-apartheid government does not care about the lives and livelihood of the workers.  Every right thinking person knows that the workers in Marikana Lonmin Platinum Mine have been betrayed and that no amount of lies will change that.  In the final analysis the system of capitalism must be overthrown and be replaced by a new social order of socialism.  This is the only tribute that will make the bones of these martyrs of workers to rest in peace in their graves.  We bow our heads uncovered and swear that their death shall not be vain. 
We fully support the genuine demands of the workers for which they laid down their lives and we call on all mine workers and all workers in all industries to rally together and stand in solidarity with the striking workers guided by the motto: “an injury to one is an injury to all”.  Let the people stand in support of the striking mine workers because their demands are genuine.  To the families of the militant workers we express our sincere and heartfelt condolences.  The struggle continues!

Please send solidarity messages to:

Communist Party of South.Africa (Marxist-Leninist) CPSA(ML), cpsaml@pnetmail.co.za

ICOR, coordinationint@yahoo.co.uk

Please send letters of protest to:

Lonmin Plc, 4 Grosvenor Place, London SW1X 7YL, Fax: +44 (0)20-72016100, contact@lonmin.com

President of South Africa, Jacob Zuma: Fax: +44 (0)27123238246, macmaharaj@mweb.co.za

 Statement of CPSA(ML) about the 
striking mineworkers in the 
platinum-mine in Rustenburg 

Communist Party of South Africa (Marxist-Leninist) - CPSA (ML) 17.08.2012


The workers involved in an strike are 16 000. They are demanding wages of 12 000 Rand per month. Currently they are getting 5000 Rand per month.
Due to the refusal of the mine bosses to give them 12 000 Rand per month they went on strike.
This workers are organized by two tradeunions, one is the national miners workers (NUM) afiliate of COSATU another one is AMCOR afiliate of NACTU.
NUM officials were not in favour of the strike, as such the workers were divided, some workers went back to the mine to start their duties.
The workers who were on strike started to fight those who went back to work.
As a result of the fight amongst workers two workers were killed.
NUM together with the mine bosses called the police to intervene. As a result of the police intervention more than 30 people died. Among those who died two policemen were involved.
The situation is very tense even now there is a confrontation between the workers, the police and the mine bosses.
CPSA(ML), member of ICOR is pledging solidarity with the mine workers in Rustenburg and condemned the brutally killing of mine workers by the police.

Statement of CPSA(ML) about the

striking mineworkers in the

platinum-mine in Rustenburg


Communist Party of South Africa (Marxist-Leninist) - CPSA (ML) 17.08.2012

The workers involved in an strike are 16 000. They are demanding wages of 12 000 Rand per month. Currently they are getting 5000 Rand per month.

Due to the refusal of the mine bosses to give them 12 000 Rand per month they went on strike.

This workers are organized by two tradeunions, one is the national miners workers (NUM) afiliate of COSATU another one is AMCOR afiliate of NACTU.

NUM officials were not in favour of the strike, as such the workers were divided, some workers went back to the mine to start their duties.

The workers who were on strike started to fight those who went back to work.

As a result of the fight amongst workers two workers were killed.

NUM together with the mine bosses called the police to intervene. As a result of the police intervention more than 30 people died. Among those who died two policemen were involved.

The situation is very tense even now there is a confrontation between the workers, the police and the mine bosses.

CPSA(ML), member of ICOR is pledging solidarity with the mine workers in Rustenburg and condemned the brutally killing of mine workers by the police.

 More Openness After 22nd July? 

 Tjen Folket (Serve the People - Communist League of Norway), 2 May 2012 


 System critic imprisoned because the Prime Minister came to Bergen, Norway.The sun was shining in Bergen (Norway’s 2nd largest city) on 1st May.Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg was about to come to Bergen and the citywas to be cleaned so that Mr. Stoltenberg was not to be confronted withuncomfortable truths.Thus the police looked out the Serve the People spokesperson in Bergen,Roger Solsvik, to order him to leave the city for 24 hours. Here the PrimeMinister was to hold his 1st May speech.Solsvik of course refused to follow the police’s orders. Then he wasdragged against his will by two policemen across the main square, throwninto a police car and sent in prison where he had to spend almost fourhours.This is unlawful detention. The police has no reason for removing Solsvik.The only real reason for him to be neutralized is that he represents theonly really system critical organisation in Norway, Serve the People.When other regimes remove such people from the street, the Norwegianmedias rightfully criticizes this. We mean that it is just as bad whenexactly the same thing happens in Norway.However, police abuse did not stop Serve the People as the onlyorganisation pointed at the big, ugly and bad smelling elephant present,but which none of the speakers would attack - the Norwegian imperialistbloody adventures in Libya and Afghanistan.Serve the People, 2nd May 2012

More Openness After 22nd July?

Tjen Folket (Serve the People - Communist League of Norway), 2 May 2012 

 System critic imprisoned because the Prime Minister came to Bergen, Norway.

The sun was shining in Bergen (Norway’s 2nd largest city) on 1st May.
Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg was about to come to Bergen and the city
was to be cleaned so that Mr. Stoltenberg was not to be confronted with
uncomfortable truths.

Thus the police looked out the Serve the People spokesperson in Bergen,
Roger Solsvik, to order him to leave the city for 24 hours. Here the Prime
Minister was to hold his 1st May speech.

Solsvik of course refused to follow the police’s orders. Then he was
dragged against his will by two policemen across the main square, thrown
into a police car and sent in prison where he had to spend almost four
hours.

This is unlawful detention. The police has no reason for removing Solsvik.
The only real reason for him to be neutralized is that he represents the
only really system critical organisation in Norway, Serve the People.

When other regimes remove such people from the street, the Norwegian
medias rightfully criticizes this. We mean that it is just as bad when
exactly the same thing happens in Norway.

However, police abuse did not stop Serve the People as the only
organisation pointed at the big, ugly and bad smelling elephant present,
but which none of the speakers would attack - the Norwegian imperialist
bloody adventures in Libya and Afghanistan.

Serve the People, 2nd May 2012

 UNION BICENTENARIADELOS PUEBLOS CAPITULO CHILENO  
Partido Comunista Chileno (Acción Proletaria) - PC(AP)
 
Santiago de Chile 23 de Junio 2012

Un verdadero Golpe de Estado se ha perpetrado en el corazón de nuestra América Latina. La voluntad popular, expresada democráticamente en las urnas, ha sido violada en Paraguay.
Argumentando mal desempeño de sus funciones la oligarquía, los poderes fácticos y las cúpulas políticas atrincheradas en el Congreso del Paraguay realizaron un “Juicio Político” relámpago contra el Presidente Fernando Lugo, elegido por el voto popular, en una operación arbitraria y tendenciosa amparada en una dudosa aplicación de las atribuciones que le concede la Constitución.
Un Partido Colorado, despojado de los privilegios  que mantuvo por más de 60 años con la llegada de Fernando Lugo al poder, los propietarios afectados por las medidas de redistribución de tierras y la clase política desplazada por el empoderamiento de las organizaciones sociales y por la irrupción de una juventud comprometida con cambios profundos, se confabularon para frenar los avances del proceso encabezado por el Presidente constitucional.
Los efectos de esta medida contra la democracia, con la que el Congreso se arroga el derecho a desconocer la voluntad electoral del pueblo paraguayo, se empiezan a ver de inmediato en la violenta represión que la policía antidisturbios desplegó contra las manifestaciones de repudio al Congreso golpista.
Aceptar que se imponga la felonía de las cúpulas partidistas aliadas con el gran empresariado y la oligarquía terrateniente en el Paraguay, es abrir las puertas al golpismo desenfrenado en nuestras tierras contra los procesos independentistas y defensores de los intereses de las grandes mayorías.
Esta es una maniobra semejante a las intentonas perpetradas contra los gobiernos de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela, el Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, Ecuador y México, cuyos pueblos supieron detener y revertir a pesar de toda la presión económica, militar-policial y diplomática desplegada por el imperialismo norteamericano y sus lacayos oligárquicos enquistados en nuestras sociedades.
Para que los pueblos de América Latina y el Caribe puedan desarrollarse en paz, con soberanía e independencia, deben desterrarse todas las prácticas golpistas, como la que se impuso al pueblo Hondureño por el uso de la fuerza militar, o ésta que se muestra con antifaz constitucional, pero que esconde los intereses más reaccionarios y voraces de las clases dominantes.
La Unión Bicentenaria de los Pueblos - Capítulo chileno, llama a los pueblos de Latinoamérica y el Caribe, a los gobiernos democráticos del Continente y a las naciones del mundo a desconocer la legitimidad de un nuevo gobierno surgido de esta confabulación antidemocrática con el fin de restituir al Presidente Lugo a la Presidencia de Paraguay.


Directiva de la Unión Bicentenaria de los Pueblos Capitulo Chileno: 

- Juan Cuevas Cerda, Dirigente Nacional del Movimiento Al Socialismo “MAS-CHILE” y coordinador general de la UBP C/Ch.
- Eduardo Artés, Primer Secretario del Partido Comunista Chileno (Acción Proletaria) P.C.(A.P).
- Darío Salas Secretario General, Partido Izquierda Cristiana de Chile.
- Héctor Cataldo, Presidente Asociación de Ex Presos Políticos y ex Prisioneros de Guerra de Valparaíso.
- Fabián Alvarado, Presidente Red ecológica de Chile.
- Roberto Muñoz, Movimiento Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez “MPMR”.
- Patricio Munita, Dirigente Nacional Federación de Trabajadores Bancarios.
- Mónica Quilodrán, Secretaria General Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria “MIR”.
- Álvaro Escobar Antoine, Presidente Federación Nacional de Asociados de Funcionarios de Superintendencias.
- Gonzalo Taborga, Presidente de la Comisión Chilena de DD.HH.
- Víctor Paiba, Comité de Refugiados Peruanos en Chile.
- Juan Carlos Sandoval, Presidente SITAGRANS SUBUSCHILE.
- Esteban Ramírez Lazo, Red Alborada de los Pueblos. 



UNION BICENTENARIADELOS PUEBLOS CAPITULO CHILENO
 
—
Héctor Cataldo
97841427

UNION BICENTENARIADELOS PUEBLOS CAPITULO CHILENO

Partido Comunista Chileno (Acción Proletaria) - PC(AP)

Santiago de Chile 23 de Junio 2012

Un verdadero Golpe de Estado se ha perpetrado en el corazón de nuestra América Latina. La voluntad popular, expresada democráticamente en las urnas, ha sido violada en Paraguay.

Argumentando mal desempeño de sus funciones la oligarquía, los poderes fácticos y las cúpulas políticas atrincheradas en el Congreso del Paraguay realizaron un “Juicio Político” relámpago contra el Presidente Fernando Lugo, elegido por el voto popular, en una operación arbitraria y tendenciosa amparada en una dudosa aplicación de las atribuciones que le concede la Constitución.

Un Partido Colorado, despojado de los privilegios  que mantuvo por más de 60 años con la llegada de Fernando Lugo al poder, los propietarios afectados por las medidas de redistribución de tierras y la clase política desplazada por el empoderamiento de las organizaciones sociales y por la irrupción de una juventud comprometida con cambios profundos, se confabularon para frenar los avances del proceso encabezado por el Presidente constitucional.

Los efectos de esta medida contra la democracia, con la que el Congreso se arroga el derecho a desconocer la voluntad electoral del pueblo paraguayo, se empiezan a ver de inmediato en la violenta represión que la policía antidisturbios desplegó contra las manifestaciones de repudio al Congreso golpista.

Aceptar que se imponga la felonía de las cúpulas partidistas aliadas con el gran empresariado y la oligarquía terrateniente en el Paraguay, es abrir las puertas al golpismo desenfrenado en nuestras tierras contra los procesos independentistas y defensores de los intereses de las grandes mayorías.

Esta es una maniobra semejante a las intentonas perpetradas contra los gobiernos de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela, el Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, Ecuador y México, cuyos pueblos supieron detener y revertir a pesar de toda la presión económica, militar-policial y diplomática desplegada por el imperialismo norteamericano y sus lacayos oligárquicos enquistados en nuestras sociedades.

Para que los pueblos de América Latina y el Caribe puedan desarrollarse en paz, con soberanía e independencia, deben desterrarse todas las prácticas golpistas, como la que se impuso al pueblo Hondureño por el uso de la fuerza militar, o ésta que se muestra con antifaz constitucional, pero que esconde los intereses más reaccionarios y voraces de las clases dominantes.

La Unión Bicentenaria de los Pueblos - Capítulo chileno, llama a los pueblos de Latinoamérica y el Caribe, a los gobiernos democráticos del Continente y a las naciones del mundo a desconocer la legitimidad de un nuevo gobierno surgido de esta confabulación antidemocrática con el fin de restituir al Presidente Lugo a la Presidencia de Paraguay.

Directiva de la Unión Bicentenaria de los Pueblos Capitulo Chileno:

- Juan Cuevas Cerda, Dirigente Nacional del Movimiento Al Socialismo “MAS-CHILE” y coordinador general de la UBP C/Ch.

- Eduardo Artés, Primer Secretario del Partido Comunista Chileno (Acción Proletaria) P.C.(A.P).

- Darío Salas Secretario General, Partido Izquierda Cristiana de Chile.

- Héctor Cataldo, Presidente Asociación de Ex Presos Políticos y ex Prisioneros de Guerra de Valparaíso.

- Fabián Alvarado, Presidente Red ecológica de Chile.

- Roberto Muñoz, Movimiento Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez “MPMR”.

- Patricio Munita, Dirigente Nacional Federación de Trabajadores Bancarios.

- Mónica Quilodrán, Secretaria General Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria “MIR”.

- Álvaro Escobar Antoine, Presidente Federación Nacional de Asociados de Funcionarios de Superintendencias.

- Gonzalo Taborga, Presidente de la Comisión Chilena de DD.HH.

- Víctor Paiba, Comité de Refugiados Peruanos en Chile.

- Juan Carlos Sandoval, Presidente SITAGRANS SUBUSCHILE.

- Esteban Ramírez Lazo, Red Alborada de los Pueblos.

UNION BICENTENARIADELOS PUEBLOS CAPITULO CHILENO

Héctor Cataldo
97841427
Derrocamiento “legal” de Fernando
Lugo, algunos elementos sobre los
que reflexionar:
Partido Comunista Chileno (Acción Proletaria) - PC(AP)
 
Lo primero, es lo primero y es hoy estar junto al pueblo paraguayo, rechazar contundentemente el golpe reaccionario que ha depuesto a Fernado Lugo, así estamos actuando  los comunistas, en nuestro caso desde el PC(AP), hasta los gobiernos soberanos de nuestro continente particularmente los de Cuba, Bolivia,Ecuador y Venezuela, este golpe busca cerrar el espacio democrático que alcanzo a imponer el pueblo paraguayo en su país, después de décadas de gobiernos dictatoriales de clara orientación fascista y pro-yanqui, castigar y reprimir las demandas de tierra de los campesinos y de justicia social reclamada por los tiempos.
El golpe se ha dado y solo los oportunistas disfrazados de “izquierda”, los que se escudan en fraseologías aparentemente revolucionarias, podrán estar contentos con “la profecía auto-cumplida”, con el “fracaso de un populista y reformista”. Aquí no se trata de ocultar la naturaleza contradictoria, vacilante y reformista de Fernado Lugo, pero otra cosa es disparar en la misma dirección de los reaccionarios, esas balas son contra los trabajadores y pueblos. Pueden estar contentos, la oligarquía y los imperialistas le agradecen y los impulsan para que cumplan con su miserable labor en Bolivia, Ecuador y Venezuela.
El golpe ha sido dado usando y maniobrando dentro de la propia “institucionalidad”, las fuerzas reaccionarias y antidemocraticas del Paraguay, a las ordenes del imperialismo, particularmente del yanqui, han derrocado a Fernando Lugo Presidente constitucional, usando al parlamento burgués, a la inmensa mayoría de sus parlamentarios totalmente corruptos y serviles a la oligarquía, al latifundio y a las empresas imperialistas.
Fernando Lugo salio electo presidente a partir de la demanda democrática y de justicia social de los mas amplios sectores del pueblo paraguayo, partiendo por los campesinos, en su mayoría sin tierra, de los trabajadores de la ciudad, de los estudiantes, etc., sin embargo, quedo en una total minoría en el parlamento, no contaba con mas de tres senadores. Las fuerzas que acompañaron a Fernando Lugo en su elección eran diversas y no lograron una dirección unitaria, mas aun dentro de ellas se manifestaron gran cantidad de contradicciones.
Fernando Lugo no obstante haber encarnado al sentimiento de cambio profundo y revolucionario de los mas amplios sectores populares de los pueblos del Paraguay, no puso en el centro el apoyarse en las amplias masas, en la movilización de estas, no  pudo lograr construir una dirección unitaria. Erróneamente Fernado Lugo busco mantener a la reacción paraguaya “tranquila” , hizo  numerosas concesiones a la misma, pensando ingenuamente, que esta al final le dejaría gestionar un gobierno  democrático, que con todas sus limitaciones abría espacios a las demandas obreras y populares.
Una vez mas, estos acontecimientos dolorosos para el pueblo de Paraguay y para todo el movimiento antiimperialista mundial, ponen en el centro la necesidad de que desde los pueblos se construya una dirección unitaria, que encabece los procesos democráticos, populares, de soberanía nacional; que se superen las ilusiones en relación al acuerdo con los sectores reaccionarios supuestamente “democráticos” y a la también supuesta “neutralidad” de las instituciones del Estado capitalista.
Es  FUNDAMENTAL que desde los gobiernos nacidos desde las demandas y luchas populares, se profundice en los cambios reclamados, que se apoyen y apoyen las movilizaciones democráticas, antiimperialistas y anticapitalistas. los comunistas desde el PC(AP) NO nos pondremos al margen de esta demanda y exigencia, por el contrario continuaremos trabajando con mas fuerza aun, para que las aspiraciones populares no sean truncadas por asonadas y golpes reaccionarios, estamos y estaremos por llevarlos adelante hasta alcanzar la REVOLUCIÓN SOCIALISTA.
Comisión Nacional de Comunicaciones
Partido Comunista Chileno (Acción Proletaria)
PC(AP)
www.accionproletaria.com

Derrocamiento “legal” de Fernando

Lugo, algunos elementos sobre los

que reflexionar:

Partido Comunista Chileno (Acción Proletaria) - PC(AP)
Lo primero, es lo primero y es hoy estar junto al pueblo paraguayo, rechazar contundentemente el golpe reaccionario que ha depuesto a Fernado Lugo, así estamos actuando  los comunistas, en nuestro caso desde el PC(AP), hasta los gobiernos soberanos de nuestro continente particularmente los de Cuba, Bolivia,Ecuador y Venezuela, este golpe busca cerrar el espacio democrático que alcanzo a imponer el pueblo paraguayo en su país, después de décadas de gobiernos dictatoriales de clara orientación fascista y pro-yanqui, castigar y reprimir las demandas de tierra de los campesinos y de justicia social reclamada por los tiempos.
El golpe se ha dado y solo los oportunistas disfrazados de “izquierda”, los que se escudan en fraseologías aparentemente revolucionarias, podrán estar contentos con “la profecía auto-cumplida”, con el “fracaso de un populista y reformista”. Aquí no se trata de ocultar la naturaleza contradictoria, vacilante y reformista de Fernado Lugo, pero otra cosa es disparar en la misma dirección de los reaccionarios, esas balas son contra los trabajadores y pueblos. Pueden estar contentos, la oligarquía y los imperialistas le agradecen y los impulsan para que cumplan con su miserable labor en Bolivia, Ecuador y Venezuela.
El golpe ha sido dado usando y maniobrando dentro de la propia “institucionalidad”, las fuerzas reaccionarias y antidemocraticas del Paraguay, a las ordenes del imperialismo, particularmente del yanqui, han derrocado a Fernando Lugo Presidente constitucional, usando al parlamento burgués, a la inmensa mayoría de sus parlamentarios totalmente corruptos y serviles a la oligarquía, al latifundio y a las empresas imperialistas.
Fernando Lugo salio electo presidente a partir de la demanda democrática y de justicia social de los mas amplios sectores del pueblo paraguayo, partiendo por los campesinos, en su mayoría sin tierra, de los trabajadores de la ciudad, de los estudiantes, etc., sin embargo, quedo en una total minoría en el parlamento, no contaba con mas de tres senadores. Las fuerzas que acompañaron a Fernando Lugo en su elección eran diversas y no lograron una dirección unitaria, mas aun dentro de ellas se manifestaron gran cantidad de contradicciones.
Fernando Lugo no obstante haber encarnado al sentimiento de cambio profundo y revolucionario de los mas amplios sectores populares de los pueblos del Paraguay, no puso en el centro el apoyarse en las amplias masas, en la movilización de estas, no  pudo lograr construir una dirección unitaria. Erróneamente Fernado Lugo busco mantener a la reacción paraguaya “tranquila” , hizo  numerosas concesiones a la misma, pensando ingenuamente, que esta al final le dejaría gestionar un gobierno  democrático, que con todas sus limitaciones abría espacios a las demandas obreras y populares.
Una vez mas, estos acontecimientos dolorosos para el pueblo de Paraguay y para todo el movimiento antiimperialista mundial, ponen en el centro la necesidad de que desde los pueblos se construya una dirección unitaria, que encabece los procesos democráticos, populares, de soberanía nacional; que se superen las ilusiones en relación al acuerdo con los sectores reaccionarios supuestamente “democráticos” y a la también supuesta “neutralidad” de las instituciones del Estado capitalista.
Es  FUNDAMENTAL que desde los gobiernos nacidos desde las demandas y luchas populares, se profundice en los cambios reclamados, que se apoyen y apoyen las movilizaciones democráticas, antiimperialistas y anticapitalistas. los comunistas desde el PC(AP) NO nos pondremos al margen de esta demanda y exigencia, por el contrario continuaremos trabajando con mas fuerza aun, para que las aspiraciones populares no sean truncadas por asonadas y golpes reaccionarios, estamos y estaremos por llevarlos adelante hasta alcanzar la REVOLUCIÓN SOCIALISTA.
Comisión Nacional de Comunicaciones
Partido Comunista Chileno (Acción Proletaria)
PC(AP)
The proletarians of the world have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Working men of all countries, unite!

The proletarians of the world have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Working men of all countries, unite!

CPI(ML), Communist Party of India, ICOR-member about the Asian Agriculture Conference

1. Colonialism including the so called informal colonialism which was specifically practiced by US imperialism in the pre-World War II period had already subordinated every sphere of economic activity in Afro-Asian and Latin American countries to the requirements imperialist powers. While mercantile capitalism was interested mainly in ‘colonial products’ such as spices and slaves, the demands of industrial revolution broadened out to include an insatiable hunger for raw materials and food for the rapidly expanding capitalist countries. The pressures of capital accumulation and the concomitant colonial division of labour that converted colonies, semi-colonies and dependent countries as agrarian appendages to imperialism also led to a disruption of the socio-economic formations of these countries. Along with the introduction of private property in land and distortion of the traditional village communities, enforced monetization and exchange relations and forced commercialization of agriculture, imperialism in the colonial era took particular attention to prop up a reactionary agrarian elite class in the colonies and dependent countries as the social base of colonial plunder. Commodity production, monetization and exchange relations paved the way for rapid strides in export oriented cash crop agriculture and the gradual entry of capitalist land relations in colonial agriculture. This also led to the massive displacement of landless poor peasants from agriculture that swelled the ranks of landless poor peasantry and agricultural workers as the largest section of rural population even in the colonial period.
2. However, the postwar neocolonial period witnessed fundamental transformations in agriculture in Afro-Asian Latin American countries. With the global expansion of finance capital led by American imperialism, massive capital export and technology transfers to neocolonial agriculture took place under the auspices of the institutions and agencies designed for the purpose. This international process that coincided with Keynesianism by which finance capital penetrated into the entire agricultural sector of neocolonial countries through the development and distribution of high-yielding varieties of seeds, modernization of management techniques, synthetic fertilizers and pesticides to farmers, etc., is characterized as Green Revolution that spanned the entire globe from Mexico to Philippines. Sponsored by such neocolonial centres as American State Department, World Bank, USAID, Ford-Rockefeller foundations and so on this ‘new strategy of agriculture’ enabled imperialist finance capital, especially US finance capital to enforce its neocolonial control over the entire input-output market and technology channels for agriculture. Through Green Revolution, imperialism, utilizing the comprador regimes in Afro-Asian-Latin American countries, also succeeded in nurturing and building up a comprador agricultural bourgeois class, albeit with variations, as a social base and a firm ally in its neocolonial plunder instead of the erstwhile feudal forces who were reluctant to experiment with the new agricultural technologies. As a corollary of this, in several neocolonial countries, at the behest of neocolonial agencies such as World Bank, comprador ruling regimes which were ruthlessly suppressing progressive democratic forces who demanded a democratization of land relations, brought about a several superficial changes in land relations including the abolition of feudal relations through super-imposed legislations. Obviously, these changes in land relations were not necessarily based on the land-to-the-tiller principle as the adoption of new agricultural technologies required substantial investments which were beyond the capacity of small and marginal peasants. In brief, under Keynesianism, the neocolonial countries according to the logic of imperialist capital in general witnessed a further concentration of land with the newly emerged landlord classes as ‘junior partners’ of agribusiness MNCs and integrated with global market on the one hand, and abysmal growth in the number of landless poor peasants and agricultural workers on an unprecedented scale, on the other. As a whole, agriculture remained retarded, distorted and extraverted on account of Green Revolution-induced developments.
3. However, the advent of imperialist globalization since the beginning of 1990s under unhindered global movement of finance capital has added a new dimension to the agrarian crisis confronting neocolonial countries. In continuation of the land concentration in new landlord classes and accentuation of landlessness of the peasantry, loss of peasants’ self-reliance on indigenous seeds, ecological problems including soil degradation and natural resource depletion, etc., that took place under the first Green Revolution, today the so called second Green Revolution is taking the overall dependence of neocolonial peasantry on imperialist finance capital to its farthest limits. If the first Green Revolution had taken place under the aegis of Keynesian state-led, import-substitution policies and mainly within the domain of public sector, under neo-liberalism, the whole agriculture is now opened up for the penetration of finance capital along with the shift in emphasis from food agriculture to export-oriented cash crop cultivation. In continuation of the World Bank dictated agricultural policies of the erstwhile Keynesian period, with the forcible inclusion of agriculture along with the entire intellectual property regime pertaining to plants and animals in to the WTO regime, the neocolonial countries are subjected to an unprecedented corporatization of agriculture led by agribusiness MNCs. The concentration of vast land areas with MNCs and speculative corporate companies who have completely monopolized the agricultural technologies including genetic engineering, landlessness and destitution of the peasantry in neocolonial countries have reached horrific proportions. Repealing of existing land ceiling acts for facilitating this corporatization of agriculture has already led to large scale displacement of the peasantry from land and agriculture, while corporate contract farming of export-oriented cash crops and bio-fuels are replacing vast areas of food crop agriculture in various parts of the world. Today, WTO dictated agricultural measures including anti-peasant export-import, credit and price policies coupled with the curtailment of state support programs like subsidies and public procurement programs have led to mass suicides of the real peasantry at a global level.
4. Asian countries are predominantly agrarian societies. In the Asia-Pacific region, agricultural land as a percent of total land is estimated to be 17 percent compared to the world average of 12 percent. However, agricultural population as a percent of total population in Asia comes to 51 percent as against the world average of 40 percent. Thus, while the availability of agricultural land in this region is 0.22 hectare per person implying a relatively high dependency load on land, the corresponding figure for the world as a whole is 0.60. On the other hand, as a legacy of the super –imposed Green Revolution, fertiliser use in Asia is 157 kg/hectare while at the global level it is only 103kg./hectare. Subsistence farming and dependence on land and agriculture as the main source of livelihood and employment for majority of the people are common features of all Asian countries where democratic revolution has not yet taken place. Highly skewed distribution of land ownership, with as high as 80 percent of the land being owned by the upper 20 percent of the population is the general trend in this part of the world. The so called land reform initiatives that have been taken place in many Asian countries during the postwar period in conformity with the neocolonial requirements of imperialist capital, led to the evolution of a comprador section of agrarian elite integrated with world agribusiness interests on the one hand, and the intensification of landlessness among the peasantry, the class of real tillers of the soil and marginalization of women, ethnic minorities and indigenous peoples on the other. At the same time, devastating ecological problems arising from degradation of land due to soil erosion, overuse of chemicals and pesticides, mono-crop cultivation, deforestation and desertification, and so on which as balance sheet of green revolution-induced capitalist penetration of agriculture continue as irresolvable problems of Asian countries. Export orientation of agriculture and over dependence on commercial crops and growing integration with the fluctuating global market have aggravated the crisis confronting the vast majority of the peasantry here. WTO led liberalization of agriculture and its corporatization led by agribusiness MNCs under neo-liberalism have added a new dimension to this crisis.
AGRARIAN PROBLEM IN INDIA
5. India is no exception to the aforesaid global and Asian trend. Following the full fledged colonial domination over India since the second half of the 18th century, the Permanent Settlement of 1793, that imposed the Zamindari feudal system in India, and various other changes brought about in the agricultural sector by British rulers during the colonial period were mainly aimed at winning over the feudal forces , the landlords, money lenders and traders associated with agriculture as their political allies on the one hand, and for furthering colonial plunder by transforming Indian agriculture according to imperialist interests on the other. While the Zamindari system enabled them to win over the feudal forces, the Rayotwari system they established where the colonial state directly controlled the peasants, was convenient for commercializing and converting Indian agriculture as an appendage to the sprawling British industries. In spite of the super-imposed changes in old land relations imposed by colonialists and the monetary relations that took place as a result of the export oriented cash crop cultivation which converted India as a source of agricultural raw materials and natural resources during the colonial period, a ‘colonial mode of production’ composed mainly of the dominant semi-feudal and pre-capitalist relations in general along with emerging capitalist relations in commercial agriculture got strengthened throughout the length and breadth of the country.
6. The transformation from colonialism to neocolonialism and the consequent transfer of power in 1947 to comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-land lord classes opened the country up for penetration of imperialist finance capital from all imperialist countries led by US imperialism. As a result, many changes in agrarian relations took place without basically altering the landlord system. The superimposed land reforms such as abolition of Zamindari system (which spanned 57 percent of the country at the time of power transfer) and fixing of land ceilings in different states that served neocolonial agricultural interests on the one hand and hoodwinked the masses on the other, did not lead to implementation of ‘land to the tiller’ slogan. The land ceiling proposed was flouted in practice through various methods allowing the landlords to own huge land holdings far above the ceiling. Even in states like Kerala and West Bengal where land reforms were implemented under CPI and CPI (M) -led governments, it was the intermediaries and the newly emerged land lord classes who got the benefits. The neocolonial intention of such land reforms was the super-imposition of capitalist relations suited for facilitating the entry of imperialist capital and market on a large scale. Thus instead of the old feudal lords who were reluctant to experiment with new technologies, the new agricultural ‘bourgeois class’ who combined pre-capitalist and capitalist methods of exploitation were effective conduits for implementing the imperialist sponsored ‘green revolution’ in various parts of the country beginning with Punjab and Haryana. In these areas, feudal relations were transformed and agricultural production took a capitalist form. While introducing capitalist mode of production and creating conditions for the entry of modern technology and agricultural inputs, the ‘green revolution’ paved the way for overall land concentration with about 60 percent of the land controlled by the landlords constituting less than 10 percent of population linked to agriculture. This neocolonial onslaught in agriculture intensified the unevenness in agrarian sector and contradictions in the countryside. Vast majority of the peasants, the real tillers including the adivasis, dalits and women continued to remain landless. Together with the emergence of the new class of capitalist farmers, big sections of poor and landless peasants have been transformed in to agricultural labourers, a phenomenon that got strengthened in direct proportion to the intensification of neo-colonisation and penetration of imperialist and corporate capital in agriculture.
7. The Green Revolution that opened up Indian agrarian sector to international market and to the penetration of corporate capital has brought about significant changes in agrarian relations. Though capitalist relations in the classical sense cannot develop under neocolonial conditions, penetration of capital, technology and market forces into agriculture has made feudal and semi-feudal relations increasingly redundant. Market transactions in surplus output and various inputs including seeds, fertilisers, pesticides and modern agricultural equipments reinforced widespread credit and cash transactions throughout the country. Private capitalistic form of land ownership and documents pertaining to that became indispensable for agricultural loans and credit transactions. While land concentration with the new landlord classes and landlessness of the peasantry strengthened on the one hand, increased cash transactions and replacement of wages in kind by money wages eroded many feudal and traditional relations on the other. Green Revolution has also led to the complete loss of Indian peasants’ self-reliance on domestic seeds, fertilizers and pesticides, transfer of the Indian gene pool especially of food crops to the seed banks controlled by MNCs, and above all the irreversible soil degradation and natural resource depletion having long lasting ecological problems.
8. If the first Green revolution in India was implemented within the domain of public sector as part of state-led Keynesian strategy of neo-colonisation, the so called Second Green Revolution taking place now as an inseparable component imperialist globalization is completely under the control of corporate agribusiness. With the forcible inclusion of agriculture including even patenting of plants and animals under the WTO regime, as inseparable component of corporatization of agriculture since the 1990s has further sharpened all the contradictions in the agrarian sector of the country. Agribusiness companies in the name of corporate agriculture have intensified land concentration throughout the country leading to the large-scale displacement of the peasantry, the real tillers of the soil resulting in their further landlessness, destitution and pauperization. Even existing land ceiling acts are repealed to facilitate the land grab by speculative and parasitic classes with the result that millions of displaced landless peasants and agricultural workers are migrating to urban centres rapidly swelling the ranks of slum dwellers. Consequently, the country is facing one of the biggest-ever internal migrations recorded in history. Corporate and contract farming of export- oriented commercial crops and bio-fuels are replacing vast areas of food crop agriculture in different parts of the country with devastating social and ecological repercussions. Along with the worsening land question, corporate control over agricultural inputs and output markets through various price and Exim (Export-Import) policies is threatening peasants. WTO dictated agricultural policies including anti-peasant import, credit and pricing policies coupled with the curtailment of state support programs such as subsidies and public procurements have led to mass suicides of peasants throughout the country. Due to the liberalization and corporatization of agriculture, apart from the devastation of tens of millions of poor peasants, the middle peasants and even a section of the rich peasants are also in crisis.
9. Along with the ongoing land grab for corporate agriculture by agribusiness, speculative financiers and real estate mafia with the backing of comprador regime have unleashed the worst form of land grab in the name of various neocolonial projects such as SEZs , townships, tourism zones, express high ways, infrastructure development, etc. To facilitate this process, at the behest of corporate land mafia, giving more teeth to the Colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894, the comprador Manmohan regime has also enacted the Land Acquisition and Rehabilitation/Resettlement Bill 2011. Everywhere, land is being converted into a money-spinning speculative asset. Yet another trend resulting from the direct entry of speculative finance in to the agrarian sector is the large sale diversion of millions of acres of agricultural land for lucrative bio-fuel production and an appalling reduction in area under food agriculture. Even existing land reform acts and ceiling laws are openly flouted. Consequently, under imperialist globalization, which is the latest phase of neo-colonisation, land question has become the central issue more than ever.
10. Since colonial times large tracts of fertile agricultural land in the form of estates, plantations and farms have been owned by MNCs, corporate houses, NRIs and other comprador sections. Numerous trusts and mutts floated by vested interests, and religious and casteist organisations and institutions also control vast areas under plantations and farms. Due to well entrenched neocolonial interests, even the nominal land reforms of post-1947 period implemented by Indian state completely excluded them from all land ceiling acts. Under neo-liberalism, as even these ceiling acts are repealed and MNCs and corporate houses are allowed free entry to acquire agricultural land in the name of promoting agri-business, there is a proliferation of plantations and farms of different categories. Under the ‘market access’ provisions WTO, as import liberalization is pushing down the prices of several plantation products, to overcome the crisis, plantation land is fragmented and increasingly converted into non-agricultural money-spinning businesses such as tourist resorts. In this way, the burden of this crisis is increasingly shifted to the shoulders plantation workers not only by denying their hard earned struggles but also retrenching hundreds of thousands of them from employment altogether. The resolution of this problem by throwing out all vested interests from plantations and confiscation of them along with those floated by religious institutions and mutts is also part of democratization of agrarian relations. Demands to bring such plantations, farms and estates under workers cooperative and collective control should be raised appropriately.
DEMOCRATIC TASKS
11. Historically, peasantry is defined as the vast majority of population who are the real tillers of the soil, i.e., whose only sustenance is land and agriculture. Therefore, from a class perspective the peasant problem, which is the core of the agrarian question in general, refers to the various aspects pertaining to land relations. In the specific case of India, this class of peasantry which still constitutes more than 50 percent of the rural population is composed of landless poor peasants, sharecroppers, rent-farmers and above all agricultural workers who constitute a major chunk of this section. They include the adivasis, dalits, women and other most backward and oppressed sections of society. Therefore, in essence, resolution of the peasant question implies serving the class interests of landless poor peasants and agricultural workers by putting an end to the domination of imperialist-comprador capital and landlord class along with other parasitic sections like usurers, speculators and big traders over land and agriculture. Agrarian revolution or revolutionary transformation of land relations means democratization of land relations by making the peasantry the real owners of agricultural land in the country.
12. In India, right from the colonial days, following Lenin’s Colonial Thesis and the program of People’s Democratic Revolution proposed by Communist International, the Communist Party had stood for a fundamental transformation of land relations in favour of the real tillers of the soil which implied the abolition of feudal and semi-feudal and all pre-capitalist relations and protection of the class interests of landless-poor peasants and agricultural workers through revolutionary land reforms. The Telengana and Tebhaga movements as well as numerous other revolutionary peasant struggles across the country aroused the peasant masses and oppressed sections including adivasis and dalits to challenge the feudal and reactionary system continuing in different forms. However, unlike the case of China and a few other Asian countries where the people’s democratic revolution could succeed by keeping the agrarian revolution as its crucial element, these heroic struggles in India could not reach their revolutionary goal as the then Communist leadership who had to politically lead them later became revisionist and social democratic and embraced class collaborationist positions and abandoned the revolutionary class line of the peasantry based on land-to-the-tiller principle. The great Naxalbari movement, which once again brought democratic revolution back to the agenda of the toiling masses, emphasized the leadership role of landless poor peasants over the agrarian movement. As a result, land to the tiller slogan once again reverberated across the country. However, this revolutionary upsurge soon got blocked and suffered severe setbacks as a result of the sectarian tendency that dominated the movement. As a result, the CPI (ML) movement could not mobilise the landless and poor peasants including the agricultural workers in a mighty agrarian movement based on an agrarian program.
13. The failure of both the social democratic or reformist and sectarian or anarchist trends in Indian Communist movement in putting forward the class line of the peasantry is inseparably linked up with their ideological and political inability to concretely evaluate the neocolonial transformation that is taking place in Indian agriculture. As a continuation of the postwar neo-colonisation process, today under neo-liberalism, while agriculture is increasingly corporatised and integrated with global market led by a new landlord/agricultural bourgeois class under whom land is unprecedentedly concentrated and whose interest is not agricultural but speculative, vast majority of the peasantry is thrown out of land and driven to destitution. Classical form of capitalist development though being impossible under neocolonialism, the mode of production in Indian agriculture is no longer feudal or semi-feudal. As a result, the erstwhile colonial mode of production has given way to a neocolonial mode of production. Therefore, a revolutionary approach to the agrarian question can be put forward only by unraveling the concrete essence of this neocolonial agrarian relation.
14.The reformists who had already abandoned the class line of the peasantry and who fail to recognise this neocolonial reality reduce the agrarian problem to one of a mere market question. Such struggles therefore focus on the price and credit policies pertaining to both agricultural inputs and output. On the other hand, the sectarians who also do not comprehend the concrete agrarian relations in the country on account of their dogmatic adherence to semi-colonial, semi-feudal formulation and the illusion of ‘protracted peoples’ war’ which has become irrelevant under neocolonial class relations can at the most land them in isolated anarchist actions. To be precise, land-to-the-tiller position and resolution of the agrarian question according to concrete conditions of neocolonialism are set aside by both reformists and anarchists. Neither legalism nor anarchism emanating from these trends which effectively preclude the class mobilization of vast millions of peasantry can resolve the peasant problem in India.
15. Another non-class trend whose origins may be traced to the Bhoodan days of Vinoba Bhave and presently led by imperialist funded non-governmental agencies (NGOs), new social movements (NSMS), civil society organizations (CSOs), etc., backed by postmodern ideologies is also prevalent in India. In the name of empowering the peasants at the grass root level but at the same time deviating the whole issue of agrarian problem from class relations and capture of political power, these NGOs utilizing several ideological strands such as identity politics, subaltern theories, neo-tribalism and similar other postmodern trends of thought are trying to lead various sections of the peasantry including the adivasis, dalits and other most oppressed sections to reformist illusions. As in the case of the reformist and sectarian trends mentioned above, this postmodern trend can also be defeated and the peasantry who comprises tens of millions of landless poor peasants and agricultural workers that constitutes more than half of Indian population can be won over to the mainstream of revolutionary agrarian movement only by firmly upholding the class line of the peasantry led by a revolutionary agrarian movement. Obviously, such a movement should be capable of fusing together the long term strategic goal of revolutionizing land relations with immediate demands for the abolition of anti-peasant WTO-World Bank-agribusiness led agricultural regime including all the neoliberal seed, credit, price and subsidy policies.
AGRARIAN PROGRAM
16. A revolutionary agrarian program which envisages the confiscation of all land owned and controlled by all varieties of landlord and parasitic classes and even feudal remnants and its distribution among the peasantry based on the principle land-to-the-tiller is an essential ingredient of the people’s democratic revolution in India. Only a people’s democratic state led by the proletariat including democratic forces can make the agrarian sector self-reliant and productive by liberating it from the grip of imperialist finance capital and market system. It will lead to the people-oriented and eco-friendly development of agriculture in proper relationship with industry and other sectors of the country including the attainment of self-sufficiency in food and agricultural raw materials. The prime task of this is to mobilise the peasantry based on a revolutionary agrarian program and intensify the agrarian movement under proletarian leadership as required by the concrete neocolonial conditions of today. Of course, given the vastness, unevenness and diversities of a country like India, the concrete application of such an agrarian program proposed at the national level will have its regional and state-level variations according to concrete conditions.
17. The essential ingredients of such an agrarian program for India whose application may vary according to concrete conditions are as under :—
a. Confiscate all lands belonging to the landlords and implement redistribution of land among the peasantry on the basis of land-to-the-tiller.
b. Confiscate the plantations, farms, etc., held by MNCs and corporate houses and bring them under the collective ownership of the working class.
c. Declare ceiling for wet and dry agricultural lands according to concrete conditions of each region and confiscate all lands above this ceiling and distribute them among the peasantry.
d. Enforce land ceiling for those whose means of livelihood are not from agriculture.
e. Confiscate the lands owned by NRIs, bureaucrats, high income sections, industrialists, traders, etc. and distribute them among the peasantry.
f. Confiscate all lands held by religious mutts, casteist organizations and trusts after fixing a ceiling for lands that can be held by such agencies
g. Discard the Land Acquisition and Rehabilitation/Resettlement Bill-2011. Suppress corporate land and real estate mafia.
h. Ensure food self-sufficiency and stop conversion of agricultural land for non-agricultural purposes.
i. Settle adivasi/tribal question through strict implementation laws for the protection of their land including the establishment of adivasi autonomous councils.
j. Confiscate all agricultural land that is kept fallow and distribute it among the peasantry.
k. Distribute all surplus lands and government lands except those required as forests and public utilities among peasantry.
l. Abolish all forms of bonded/forced labour and usury.
m. Evolve a scientific and eco-friendly land utilization approach encouraging various states to pursue such a policy according to concrete situations.
n. Abolish all WTO- World Bank dictated agricultural policies. Quit WTO along with World Bank and IMF.
o. Abolish all anti-peasant import, price, and credit policies. Ensure all agricultural inputs such as seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, irrigation, credit, electricity, etc. at subsidized and affordable rates to peasants. Abolish imperialist control over output market and sources of inputs.
The above tasks which form central questions of the revolutionary agrarian program during the period of democratic revolution should be part of a comprehensive national development program based on an appropriate relationship between agriculture, industry and services. This goal can be achieved only through the victory of relentless agrarian struggles by the peasantry under the leadership of the proletariat and the establishment of a people’s democratic state.
References:-
1. Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), No to Reformism, No to Anarchism, March to Revolution, New Delhi, 2009
2. All India Krantikari Kisan Sabha (AIKKS), Program and Constitution, New Delhi, 2010.
3. Observer, “On Mode of Production in India”, The Marxist-Leninist [Theoretical Journal of CPI(ML)], October, 2009, pp.117-131
4. Utsa Patnaik, Agrarian Relations and Accumulation: The “Mode of Production” Debate in India, Oxford University Press, 1991
5. P J James, Imperialism in the Neocolonial Phase, Massline Publication, 2011

MLPD - Information about an enthusiastic week , marked by the strengthening of the unification of the international industrial proletariat

We would like to report about an enthusiastic proletarian-internationalist week in Germany. Cornerstones were a series of events and the visit of a delegation of the Greek steel workers from Aspropyrgos, who have been on strike for more than 200 days (from 14 to 20 May) and the successful 7th International Automotive Workers’ Counsel (IAAR) in Munich (17 to 20 May), which resolved the awakening to a more binding coordination and preparation of the 1st International Automotive Workers Conference. With the participation of six delegations in a joint day of action on the occasion of the extra-ordinary factory meeting of the Opel (GM) workforce on 21 May in Bochum, as part of the struggle for each and every job and against the threatening shutdown of the plant, this counsel made the step to the practical realization of uniting the international industrial proletariat.
Initiated by Solidarity International, the nationwide Monday Demonstration Movement and MLPD, supported by trade unionists and further organizations, solidarity events with the strike of the Greek steel workers were conducted in 5 cities. There were impressive reports about the strike, which has now lasted for more than 200 days, and more than 10,000 euros in donations were collected. It is currently the most important workers’ struggle in Europe and is of outstanding importance for the international workers’ unity. They are struggling for their jobs and against wage concessions under the slogan „End the blackmailing“. The strike is political and directed against the Greek government and the „Troika“ from EU, ECB (European Central Bank) and IMF and their shifting of the burdens of the crisis onto the backs of the workers and the broad masses. It emphasizes the leading role of the international industrial proletariat in the revolutionary liberation struggle. The revolutionary greetings from Jeroen Toussaint, Netherlands and European Main Coordinator of ICOR on 15 May to the participants of the event underlined the importance of ICOR: „I would like to express that we, the European Coordination of ICOR are entirely on the side of the struggling steel workers of Aspropyrgos! … Currently, we are in Greece with a delegation and have spoken with the struggling steel workers. We are impressed by their perseverance and the broad solidarity they are experiencing, as well as the extent of the discontent and the resistance of the ordinary people in Greece… The cooperation and the common struggle of ICOR-organizations and also of all progressive people across country borders will successfully push through their objectives and a worthwhile societal perspective.“
The Greek delegation was received at the IAAR with standing ovations. Everyone was deeply moved by their meeting with the delegation from South Korea, who had led an extremely severe struggle against dismissals and political suppression at Ssangyong in 2009, until the plant was conquered with military force. A solidarity message of the IAAR was read out at a memorial ceremony that took place the next day in South Korea for the up till now 22 dead due to the smashing of the strike and the military action. A total of 600 participants of the 7th IAAR, including participants from 19 countries from 4 continents, were impressing. A number of automotive workers’ delegations were among the international participants, too, which had been mobilized by ICOR member organizations, realizing the decision of the ICOR founding conference to support international projects to coordinate the workers’ movement, like the Automotive Workers’ Counsel 2012. The unanimous decision to step forward to an Automotive Workers’ Conference, is an important step ahead to a higher quality of the organized cooperation of the international automotive workers. The concluding resolution states:
“We thus make a pact of mutual support. We firmly reject division and pitting workforces of different location sites against each other, social chauvinism, class collaboration policies, co-management or also the competitive battle of different car brands on the backs of the workforces. We are for the refusal of strikebreaker work, for militant solidarity, the strengthening of the joint trade-union organization, and we organize a regular exchange of information and experiences, as well as cross-border coordination and cooperation of struggles. We stand for close collaboration with workers of all industries, the youth movement, the environmental and women’s movements, with all people’s movements and the revolutionary movement of the world. Let us strengthen international solidarity and the transition to joint struggles for joint demands! … Let us create all essential preconditions for the First International Automotive Workers’ Conference till 2014/2015! Let us build its four pillars together: 

decision-making delegates’ meeting of up to five country delegates


forums of international enterprise collaboration


on-topic working groups and workshops 


a broad mass program and cultural program. 

The transition to the automobile workers’ coordination means reliability on the basis of democratic decisions of the international automotive workers’ conference based on mutual consent and the decision by individual organizations and forces to participate actively in a task.”
Of great current importance and a special challenge is the threatening shutdown of the plant at GM-Opel in Bochum. Workers from the following locations participated in the forum of GM/Opel and PSA: Bochum, Ruesselsheim, Eisenach, Gliwice, Saragossa, Saint Petersburg, Halol (India), Detroit, Brazil, Venezuela, Aulney and Mulhouse in France and Madrid (Spain).
They unanimously decided: „We declare to GM: if you believed that the attacks you announced last week would increase our division, we have to disappoint you. On the contrary, we have joined forces closer than ever before. The current struggle against the intended shutdowns of the plants Opel Bochum, PSA Aulnay and Madrid is our common struggle!“ 
This spirit has already been proven at the extraordinary factory meeting at Opel Bochum on the following Monday (21 May). Six delegations from Brazil, Russia, Ukraine, Venezuela, the Philippines and South Africa participated in the manifestations in front of the gate, however, they were not allowed to enter. This only shows how the GM management fears international workers solidarity. Their greetings of solidarity were contributed in the militant meeting of the workforce, however, and at the same time, the reports from the IAAR were an encouragement for the colleagues.
During the course of the factory meeting, news was given that Opel wants to postpone the decision to the end of June – shortly before the plants’ holidays. A representative from the Philippines stated: „The monopolies developed the tactics to win time to prevent the struggle of the workers, like everywhere in the world. But this gives the workers the opportunity to prepare their struggle in such a way, that they are well positioned. Our solidarity is with the Opel colleagues.“ 
This is the spirit in which the struggle of the Opel-workforce against the shutdown of the plant in the struggle for each and every job can be developed.

MLPD - Information about an enthusiastic week , marked by the strengthening of the unification of the international industrial proletariat

We would like to report about an enthusiastic proletarian-internationalist week in Germany. Cornerstones were a series of events and the visit of a delegation of the Greek steel workers from Aspropyrgos, who have been on strike for more than 200 days (from 14 to 20 May) and the successful 7th International Automotive Workers’ Counsel (IAAR) in Munich (17 to 20 May), which resolved the awakening to a more binding coordination and preparation of the 1st International Automotive Workers Conference. With the participation of six delegations in a joint day of action on the occasion of the extra-ordinary factory meeting of the Opel (GM) workforce on 21 May in Bochum, as part of the struggle for each and every job and against the threatening shutdown of the plant, this counsel made the step to the practical realization of uniting the international industrial proletariat.

Initiated by Solidarity International, the nationwide Monday Demonstration Movement and MLPD, supported by trade unionists and further organizations, solidarity events with the strike of the Greek steel workers were conducted in 5 cities. There were impressive reports about the strike, which has now lasted for more than 200 days, and more than 10,000 euros in donations were collected. It is currently the most important workers’ struggle in Europe and is of outstanding importance for the international workers’ unity. They are struggling for their jobs and against wage concessions under the slogan „End the blackmailing“. The strike is political and directed against the Greek government and the „Troika“ from EU, ECB (European Central Bank) and IMF and their shifting of the burdens of the crisis onto the backs of the workers and the broad masses. It emphasizes the leading role of the international industrial proletariat in the revolutionary liberation struggle. The revolutionary greetings from Jeroen Toussaint, Netherlands and European Main Coordinator of ICOR on 15 May to the participants of the event underlined the importance of ICOR: „I would like to express that we, the European Coordination of ICOR are entirely on the side of the struggling steel workers of Aspropyrgos! … Currently, we are in Greece with a delegation and have spoken with the struggling steel workers. We are impressed by their perseverance and the broad solidarity they are experiencing, as well as the extent of the discontent and the resistance of the ordinary people in Greece… The cooperation and the common struggle of ICOR-organizations and also of all progressive people across country borders will successfully push through their objectives and a worthwhile societal perspective.“

The Greek delegation was received at the IAAR with standing ovations. Everyone was deeply moved by their meeting with the delegation from South Korea, who had led an extremely severe struggle against dismissals and political suppression at Ssangyong in 2009, until the plant was conquered with military force. A solidarity message of the IAAR was read out at a memorial ceremony that took place the next day in South Korea for the up till now 22 dead due to the smashing of the strike and the military action. A total of 600 participants of the 7th IAAR, including participants from 19 countries from 4 continents, were impressing. A number of automotive workers’ delegations were among the international participants, too, which had been mobilized by ICOR member organizations, realizing the decision of the ICOR founding conference to support international projects to coordinate the workers’ movement, like the Automotive Workers’ Counsel 2012. The unanimous decision to step forward to an Automotive Workers’ Conference, is an important step ahead to a higher quality of the organized cooperation of the international automotive workers. The concluding resolution states:

We thus make a pact of mutual support. We firmly reject division and pitting workforces of different location sites against each other, social chauvinism, class collaboration policies, co-management or also the competitive battle of different car brands on the backs of the workforces. We are for the refusal of strikebreaker work, for militant solidarity, the strengthening of the joint trade-union organization, and we organize a regular exchange of information and experiences, as well as cross-border coordination and cooperation of struggles. We stand for close collaboration with workers of all industries, the youth movement, the environmental and women’s movements, with all people’s movements and the revolutionary movement of the world. Let us strengthen international solidarity and the transition to joint struggles for joint demands! … Let us create all essential preconditions for the First International Automotive Workers’ Conference till 2014/2015! Let us build its four pillars together:

  • decision-making delegates’ meeting of up to five country delegates

  • forums of international enterprise collaboration

  • on-topic working groups and workshops

  • a broad mass program and cultural program.

The transition to the automobile workers’ coordination means reliability on the basis of democratic decisions of the international automotive workers’ conference based on mutual consent and the decision by individual organizations and forces to participate actively in a task.”

Of great current importance and a special challenge is the threatening shutdown of the plant at GM-Opel in Bochum. Workers from the following locations participated in the forum of GM/Opel and PSA: Bochum, Ruesselsheim, Eisenach, Gliwice, Saragossa, Saint Petersburg, Halol (India), Detroit, Brazil, Venezuela, Aulney and Mulhouse in France and Madrid (Spain).

They unanimously decided: „We declare to GM: if you believed that the attacks you announced last week would increase our division, we have to disappoint you. On the contrary, we have joined forces closer than ever before. The current struggle against the intended shutdowns of the plants Opel Bochum, PSA Aulnay and Madrid is our common struggle!“

This spirit has already been proven at the extraordinary factory meeting at Opel Bochum on the following Monday (21 May). Six delegations from Brazil, Russia, Ukraine, Venezuela, the Philippines and South Africa participated in the manifestations in front of the gate, however, they were not allowed to enter. This only shows how the GM management fears international workers solidarity. Their greetings of solidarity were contributed in the militant meeting of the workforce, however, and at the same time, the reports from the IAAR were an encouragement for the colleagues.

During the course of the factory meeting, news was given that Opel wants to postpone the decision to the end of June – shortly before the plants’ holidays. A representative from the Philippines stated: „The monopolies developed the tactics to win time to prevent the struggle of the workers, like everywhere in the world. But this gives the workers the opportunity to prepare their struggle in such a way, that they are well positioned. Our solidarity is with the Opel colleagues.“

This is the spirit in which the struggle of the Opel-workforce against the shutdown of the plant in the struggle for each and every job can be developed.

 Former Turkish student leader imprisoned in Croatia  
(an information from the ICOR main coordinator), 3 June 2012
 
Mrs. Basak Sahin Duman, resident of Germany, faces deportation to Turkey
In Turkey a long term imprisonment awaits her due to her political activities as a student
In the morning of May 29, 2012, Basak Sahin Duman went by plane from Germany to Zagreb, Croatia. When she arrived at the airport of Zagreb, she was detained by the police. To her big surprise, the Croatian police claimed that an international warrant was been issued against her. Now, she is in custody pending deportation to Turkey, one of the most repressive regimes, with thousands of political prisoners, with regular torture of prisoners according to international human rights organizations like Amnesty International, Human Right Watch, and even the Council of Europe.
Why is a young Turkish woman, who is married since 2006 with a German citizen and lives currently in Germany, where she works as translator, detained and treated like a terrorist?
In order to understand that, we have to remember, that Turkey is not a democracy. In Turkey, even activities of democratic movements are imprisoned very easily and frequently. There are uncountable examples of trade-unionists, journalists, human right activists, students, Kurdish activists and even children who are in prison for “big crimes” such as going to a demonstration, writing an article oppositional to the regime, demanding democratic rights like freedom of opinion etc. The same happened to Mrs. Basak Sahin Duman.
Basak Sahin Duman, born in 1979 in Ankara, was studying at medical faculty of the University of Istanbul (IÜ). In the beginning of the semester 2002-2003, she was detained.
During the opening speech of the semester by the university president Kemal Alemdaroglu, she claimed the demand of a „democratic university“. According to the public observers, the police reacted very hard and detained her using a lot of violence. 
This is only one of many examples, students in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan are experiencing when they claim free, democratic, scientific and autonomous universities.
On December 7, 2004, Basak participated at a student’s demonstration in Ankara marching to the parliament. The demonstration was a protest against the anti-terror law, which was debated in the parliament at that time. Many people have been detained, when the police attacked the students brutally and she was one of them. After being held in prison on remand for month, she was released. However the trial lasted until 2010. 
Despite lack of any evidence, the 11th Court for Heavy trials of Ankara sentenced dozens of persons on April 22, 2010 to 224 years of prison in total for “being member of an illegal organization” and propaganda for an illegal organization”. Together with 24 others, Basak was sentenced to 7 years and 6 month. An application at the European Court of Human Rights against this court decision has been filed already onOctober 25, 2011 under the number 71667/11 because of violation of paragraphs 6, 7, 10 and 11. 
However not enough with this strange understanding of democracy and terrorism in Turkey, now the Croatian state, being candidate member of the European Union, is acting similar by imprisoning her and threaten to extradite her to Turkey, where long years of prisons and torture awaits her. Germany, the country she lives and has a right of residence, seems to have no hurry to save her from this more than critical situation too.
Since May 30, Basak Sahin Duman is in extradition jail and the process in which it will be decided if she will or will not be extradited has started. When being confronted with the danger of deportation to Turkey, she applied for political asylum in Croatia. However, the Croatian police untruly claimed that there is no political asylum in Croatia! The court confirmed unofficially that she applied for political asylum, however it is still uncertain, if her application has been officially recorded. Moreover, there are already several court decisions accepting political asylum in France, Germany and Switzerland for people sentenced in the same case as Basak.
Her situation is still very critical, however the media and several NGOs in Croatia started already to inform about her case and launched protests notes. We call on each person to solidarize with Mrs. Basak Sahin Duman and protest against her imprisonment in Croatia and against her deportation to Turkey.
Please send protest notes, letters, faxes, or emails to the following addresses and demand her immediate release:
Consulate general of the Republic of Croatia in BerlinAhornstraße 4, 10787 Berlin, GERMANY Phone: 0049 30 2191 5514, 0049 30 2362 8955(Cons.) Fax 0049 30 2362 8965, 2362 8967(Cons.)
Email: berlin@mvpei.hr

Former Turkish student leader imprisoned in Croatia

(an information from the ICOR main coordinator), 3 June 2012

Mrs. Basak Sahin Duman, resident of Germany, faces deportation to Turkey

In Turkey a long term imprisonment awaits her due to her political activities as a student

In the morning of May 29, 2012, Basak Sahin Duman went by plane from Germany to Zagreb, Croatia. When she arrived at the airport of Zagreb, she was detained by the police. To her big surprise, the Croatian police claimed that an international warrant was been issued against her. Now, she is in custody pending deportation to Turkey, one of the most repressive regimes, with thousands of political prisoners, with regular torture of prisoners according to international human rights organizations like Amnesty International, Human Right Watch, and even the Council of Europe.

Why is a young Turkish woman, who is married since 2006 with a German citizen and lives currently in Germany, where she works as translator, detained and treated like a terrorist?

In order to understand that, we have to remember, that Turkey is not a democracy. In Turkey, even activities of democratic movements are imprisoned very easily and frequently. There are uncountable examples of trade-unionists, journalists, human right activists, students, Kurdish activists and even children who are in prison for “big crimes” such as going to a demonstration, writing an article oppositional to the regime, demanding democratic rights like freedom of opinion etc. The same happened to Mrs. Basak Sahin Duman.

Basak Sahin Duman, born in 1979 in Ankara, was studying at medical faculty of the University of Istanbul (IÜ). In the beginning of the semester 2002-2003, she was detained.

During the opening speech of the semester by the university president Kemal Alemdaroglu, she claimed the demand of a „democratic university“. According to the public observers, the police reacted very hard and detained her using a lot of violence.

This is only one of many examples, students in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan are experiencing when they claim free, democratic, scientific and autonomous universities.

On December 7, 2004, Basak participated at a student’s demonstration in Ankara marching to the parliament. The demonstration was a protest against the anti-terror law, which was debated in the parliament at that time. Many people have been detained, when the police attacked the students brutally and she was one of them. After being held in prison on remand for month, she was released. However the trial lasted until 2010.

Despite lack of any evidence, the 11th Court for Heavy trials of Ankara sentenced dozens of persons on April 22, 2010 to 224 years of prison in total for “being member of an illegal organization” and propaganda for an illegal organization”. Together with 24 others, Basak was sentenced to 7 years and 6 month. An application at the European Court of Human Rights against this court decision has been filed already onOctober 25, 2011 under the number 71667/11 because of violation of paragraphs 6, 7, 10 and 11.

However not enough with this strange understanding of democracy and terrorism in Turkey, now the Croatian state, being candidate member of the European Union, is acting similar by imprisoning her and threaten to extradite her to Turkey, where long years of prisons and torture awaits her. Germany, the country she lives and has a right of residence, seems to have no hurry to save her from this more than critical situation too.

Since May 30, Basak Sahin Duman is in extradition jail and the process in which it will be decided if she will or will not be extradited has started. When being confronted with the danger of deportation to Turkey, she applied for political asylum in Croatia. However, the Croatian police untruly claimed that there is no political asylum in Croatia! The court confirmed unofficially that she applied for political asylum, however it is still uncertain, if her application has been officially recorded. Moreover, there are already several court decisions accepting political asylum in France, Germany and Switzerland for people sentenced in the same case as Basak.

Her situation is still very critical, however the media and several NGOs in Croatia started already to inform about her case and launched protests notes. We call on each person to solidarize with Mrs. Basak Sahin Duman and protest against her imprisonment in Croatia and against her deportation to Turkey.

Please send protest notes, letters, faxes, or emails to the following addresses and demand her immediate release:

Consulate general of the Republic of Croatia in Berlin
Ahornstraße 4, 10787 Berlin, GERMANY
Phone: 0049 30 2191 5514, 0049 30 2362 8955(Cons.)
Fax 0049 30 2362 8965, 2362 8967(Cons.)

Email: berlin@mvpei.hr